MP Evidence Packs

The end-stage of the armed conflict and the unresolved accountability file. Anchors every Remembrance Day statement.

The post-2009 military footprint, occupied land, and the case for sequenced, monitored demilitarisation. Pairs with Petition-01.

The 6,700 / 16,700 honesty-index, the role of the Office on Missing Persons (OMP), and what UN CED standards actually require.

The press-freedom record on Sri Lanka, the Tamil diaspora press it produced, and the credentialed bodies that protect journalists. Pairs with the Press Freedom Desk.

Remittance flows, diaspora chambers of commerce, and existing UK / US / EU sanctions exposure (OFSI / OFAC / Magnitsky). Argues for transparent, well-regulated diaspora capital — never for blanket sanctions and never for a 'Tamil GDP' aggregate.

Sri Lanka's standing against the 27 EU GSP+ conventions. Supports genuine compliance — never calls for withdrawal. Pairs with the new EU GSP Regulation entering into application 1 January 2027.

Mirror of the UK MP pack adapted for Members of the European Parliament ahead of the 1 January 2027 new GSP Regulation. Supports compliance, never withdrawal. Adds Eastern Muslim and up-country labour anchors so the file is multi-community by construction.

Fisher livelihoods, the 1974 & 1976 treaties, and how the file is mis-framed in current political debate. Pairs with the Maritime Desk.

Tamil legal and land identity has been continuously recognised in statute for over three centuries — 1706 Dutch compilation, 1806 British codification, 1947 Ceylon retention, present-day Sri Lankan law. The pack supports protection of the underlying archive (notably British Library EAP1450). It does not ask the UK to recognise Tamil statehood and does not ask for restoration of Thesawalamai content.

Sri Lanka has ratified ICCPR (Art 20) and ICERD (Art 4) but does not enforce them on majority-targeted-on-minority public incitement, atrocity-denial, or war-crime trivialisation. The pack supplies UK MPs and FCDO with a citation-only audit — anchored in Sri Lanka's own NHRI (HRCSL), CPA, Verité Research and Hashtag Generation, alongside EU Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA — so the enforcement gap is documented without naming individual social-media accounts or aggregating counts.

In October 1990 the LTTE expelled the entire Northern Muslim population — over 70,000 people — from Jaffna, Mannar, Mullaitivu, Kilinochchi and Vavuniya at short notice. A Tamil-acknowledged wound. The acknowledgement IS the political work — no 'context' framing, no minimisation.

Continued military dominance in the North-East produces, rather than prevents, the civilian-safety failures (gang-era impunity, NDDCB-documented heroin spread, civilian protest over impunity). The pack equips UK MPs and FCDO to read post-2009 NE civilian insecurity as a STRUCTURAL DOWNSTREAM EFFECT of an unfinished transition — using Staniland 2014 and Schultze-Kraft 2017 as the academic frame, anchored in HRCSL, NDDCB, ICG, PEARL, Adayaalam, SIPRI, IISS and the Tamil Guardian record. Never names. Never aggregates. Never proposes a deployment.

The 1948 Ceylon Citizenship Act, the 1964 Sirima-Shastri Pact, the 2003 grant of citizenship, and the still-unresolved living wage, housing and franchise gap on the tea estates. The Hill-Country Tamil file is its own civic story — not a sub-chapter of the Northern Tamil file.

Packages the six LTTE-era dossiers and the 109-law Diaspora Law Index into the lawful UK-aligned recovery, sanctions, and counter-illicit-finance instruments already on the statute book. Never glorifies, never amnesties, never substitutes for due process.

Packages the post-2009 reclassification of Hindu, Sufi and Christian heritage sites in the Tamil-Muslim North-East — and the cumulative statutory pattern from the 1948 Citizenship Acts to the June 2020 Presidential Task Force Gazette Extraordinary No. 2178/17 — into the UK's existing UNESCO, UN CERD, and OECD DAC channels. Anchored on the gazette itself, PEARL, Oakland, HRW, Adayaalam, McGilvray (Routledge 2016), Köpke (Conservation & Society 2021), Schonthal (Cambridge 2016). Never names, never aggregates, never frames as anti-Buddhist.

Structural argument for UK post-colonial repair responsibility — Soulbury 1944–47 gap, Section 29(2) removal, Mau Mau / Chagos / BN(O) precedent. Archival truth + research institution + civic partnership + mobility principles. Capped, vetted, lawful — no migration demand, no sovereignty claim.

Packages the documented asymmetry between Article 9 of the 1978 Constitution, the ICCPR Act No. 56 of 2007, and the cumulative incitement record (Aluthgama 2014 → Digana 2018 → Easter 2019 → forced cremation 2020–22) into UK FCDO, DCMS, and EU GSP+ channels. Cross-community: Tamils, Muslims, Hill Country Tamils, Christians. Anchored on Shaheed (A/HRC/43/48/Add.2), ICG, OHCHR, Verité, NCEASL. Never names, never aggregates in TLTE voice, never frames as anti-Buddhist.

Citation-only re-reading of child-recruitment allegations in Sri Lanka's North-East — separated by year, district, controlling force, and command structure across the 3 March 2004 Karuna split. UN SG CAAC reports under UNSCR 1612 (2005) listed the LTTE and the Karuna faction as separate parties in Annex II of every global SG CAAC report from S/2006/826 onward. The pack equips UK MPs and FCDO to mirror that distinction in ministerial statements. Never names a child, family, or non-Tier-A commander. Never aggregates counts in TLTE voice. Children were victims first.

Citation-only framework on the Tamil North-East civic vacuum after demilitarisation: PTA misuse against Tamil artists (Sangeethsan trigger case, Tier D), 20.3% Kilinochchi youth unemployment (Univ. Peradeniya), only-partial UNHRC 30/1 land return (Verité), continuing surveillance (OHCHR A/HRC/60/21), structural corruption channels (TISL, Verité, GAN, APG MER March 2026), and the Cloud Civil Administration architecture spec as the published target. Pack equips FCDO, Home Office, and DfE to apply consistent international standards. Never accepts intake. Never names individual officers or politicians. Never claims TLTE operates a cloud government.

Citation-only audit framework on the UK Schedule 2 periodic review of the LTTE listing, anchored in POAC PC/06/2022 Arumugam v SSHD (21 June 2024) — which dismissed all four grounds but expressly noted the Ministerial Submission had overstated the number of states proscribing LTTE. Asks FCDO / Home Office four procedural questions consistent with the Lord Alton [2008] EWCA Civ 443 standard. TLTE does not lead deproscription litigation and does not call for delisting. Pack does not invite, support, or glorify any proscribed organisation (UK Terrorism Act 2000 §12). The question is procedural: whether the periodic review meets the standard the proscribing state set itself.

Citation-only audit framework on whether UK accountability policy on Sri Lanka treats Tamil political grievances independently of the LTTE Schedule 2 listing — and on whether the UK has articulated a doctrinal position on remedial self-determination, on the IHL/CT distinction the ICRC sets out, and on the international-law definition of terrorism after the STL Ayyash decision and the Saul / Ambos rebuttals. Pack does not invite, support, or glorify any proscribed organisation (UK Terrorism Act 2000 §12). The question is doctrinal: whether the UK's policy architecture engages the international-law authorities on its own terms.

Pack publishes the methodology and safeguards of Karuthu Vellam (கருத்து வெள்ளம்), the diaspora opinion-mapping instrument at /mandate — Pol.is-derived math owned in-house, Laplace-DP noise on the live counter, k=25 cohort floor, era-week archival readings. The pack does NOT publish counts. The policy artefact is the methodology, not a result.